Bayard Rustin- Activist and American

I’ve always been interested in the civil rights movement and the general movement for social change. As I’ve read books on the people who’ve participated in the fight for equal rights, one name kept popping up who inspired many of these people to become active. Bayard Rustin is not as well known as Martin Luther King Jr. or Malcolm X, yet he played an important part in the middle of the twentieth century in organizing protests for civil rights and for anti war causes, and he helped bring Gandhi’s philosophy of nonviolence into the mainstream of American progressive thought. His work on behalf of important progressive causes was informed by his Quaker faith, and his activism helped improve American society by tearing down segregation in the South and bringing to the forefront issues of economic justice and world peace.

Bayard Rustin grew up in West Chester, Pennsylvania, under the care of his grandparents, Julia and Janifer Rustin. It was a loving home, in a small community of African American Quakers. Bayard was a gifted student and athelete: Rustin captured West Chester High’s oratory award as a freshman, earned top honor in a schoolwide essay contest, wrote poetry for the school magazine, played leading roles in school plays, was selected in the all county football team, and was part of the mile relay team that won a state championship. In college, he sang in the choir and was known as a talented tenor. Yet in spite of his talent, he still had to struggle against the racism of the times. And it was this combination of his Quaker faith and his experience with racism that lead him to a life of social activism.

Rustin’s road to activism first took hold when he briefly was a member of the American Communist Party in the late 1930s. He quit in 1941 because of its autocratic nature and its subservience to the Soviet Union, but he learned valuable lessons about organizing and tactics for social change from the group. During World War II, Bayard became deeply involved in the Fellowship of Reconciliation, a Christian pacifist organization, and learned from A.J. Muste of Mohandas Gandhi and his philosphy of nonviolence. They formed the group, Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), to apply Gandhi’s nonviolent strategies for the cause of racial justice. Rustin refused induction in 1944, and went to jail for a year. When he was released, he continued in his activism.

During the Cold War era, Bayard Rustin was constantly harassed by the FBI, the local police, conservative journalists, State Department officials, and segregationists. Rustin represented many things that the more conservative American society was biased against: he was African American; he was a radical leftist; and most of all, he was a gay man. In his book, Lost Prophet: The Life and Times of Bayard Rustin, John D’ Emilio wrote:

“As I dug through the evidence and interviewed those who knew him, it became abundantly clear that his sexuality- or, more accurately, the stigma that American scoiety attached to his sexual desires- made him forever vulnerable. Again and again, Rustin found his aspirations blocked, his talents contained, and his influence marginalized. Yes, he also found ways to carve out a significant role in the movements he held dear. But he had to find ways to do this so that unpredictable eruptions of homophobia might not harm these causes.”

In spite of these roadblocks, Rustin had a great influence among the activists of the 1950s and 1960s. He was a member of the War Resisters League and he picketed against nuclear weapons with Dorothy Day and the Catholic Worker. Rustin’s tactics of nonviolence was taught to activists as diverse as Grace Paley, Stokely Carmichael, and Martin Luther King Jr. He gave Malcolm X opportunities to debate him at college campuses. Most famous of all, Rustin organized the March on Washington in 1963 where Martin Luther King Jr. made his “I Have A Dream” speech.

One of the most interesting things about Rustin for me was an article that he wrote that was published on February 1965 in Commentary magazine called "From Protest to Politics" (http://www.socialdemocrats.org/protopol.html). In this article, Rustin felt that as the Civil Rights movement shifted its sights from political rights to economic and social rights, activists had to change their tactics. He felt that the militant street actions that had focused the nations attention to the injustices of segregation would be less effective in the fight for economic equality since these economic disparities were deeply embedded in the structure of the economic system. Since African Americans only made up ten percent of the population at that time, Rustin felt that African Americans needed to create alliances with liberal and trade union organizations to enact progressive legislation to deal with structural economic problems in American society. As he wrote in Commentary magazine:

“The future of the Negro struggle depends on whether the contradictions of this society can be resolved in a coalition of progressive forces which becomes the effective political majority in the United States. I speak of a coaliton… of Negroes, trade unionists, liberal and religious groups… The labor movement, despite its obvious faults, has been the largest single organized force in this country pushing for progressive social legislation.”

Though many of his more radical and activist friends, like Stokely Carmichael and James Farmer, expressed disappointment in Rustin’s analysis, I personally think Rustin was right. As Rustin became more alienated from the more radical turn of the movement in the late 1960s, he saw the Left begin to splinter off and the Democratic Party begin to lose it’s reformist edge. The coalition that Rustin referred to did make its appearance at times, in Jesse Jackson’s Rainbow Coalition in the 1980s. Obama is attempting to gather such a coalition right now in his run for the Presidency. I think it’s only through such a coalition that progressive legislation can occur.

I only recently discovered Bayard Rustin when I read that he was a great influence on Grace Paley and her activism. The more that I’ve read about him, the more I admire him. As I’ve read about the heroic struggles that he’s fought for civil rights and peace and I read about the many people that he has influences, I find it ashame that not more people know him. His Christian faith that he inherited from his Quaker community helped mold him into a great activist and American. In the book, Bayard Rustin: Troubles I’ve Seen, Jervis Anderson quoted Rustin as saying:

“My activism did not spring from being black. Rather, it is rooted fundamentally in my Quaker upbringing and the values instilled in me by the grandparents who reared me. Those values were based on the concept of a sinfle human family and the belief that all members of that family are equal. The racial injustice that was present in this country during my youth was a challenge to my belief in the oneness of the human family. It demanded my involvement in the struggle to achieve interracial democracy; but it is very likely that I would have been involved had I been a white person with the same philosophy. I worked side-by-side with many white people who held these values, some of whom gave as much, if not more, to the struggle than myself.”

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Jim Ramelis's picture

re: Talking Down

Leaders of African American descent, such as Barack Obama and Bill Cosby, should be free to tell the African American community messages that extol and encourage the community for betterment. The message that African American men need to step up to the plate and take some personal responsibility is not a new message. That was one of the themes surrounding the Million Man march, sponsored by African American Muslims.
Yes we are a racist society and we are no longer an upwardly mobile society. Many changes need to be made to remove injustices for all people and we are still a work in progress and we have a long way to go our constitutional ideal. Nevertheless, individual responsibility is always needed. Counting on government intervention to solve all problems hasn’t worked in the past and it isn’t going to work now. It is about having some moral fortitude and that goes for all our people. We are a weak willed and hedonistic people.
As spiritual progressives I think we should applaud Obama when talks of personal responsibility. I wish he would talk to the whole country about things like taking some responsibility to use adequate birth control if one is going to have sex so abortion is very rare, and our whole countries propensity to abuse drugs and alcohol.
Radical change in this country is going to take both a change in government and how we do business, as well personal change.

wpeltz's picture

re: Responsibility

I don't think it's progressive, Jim, to talk about individual responsibility without also talking about responsible social policy. "Counting on government intervention to solve all problems" is a right-wing bugaboo, their description and dismissal of any advocacy or action that would make the rules of the game more equitable, just, fair, wise, and "progressive".

After all, who among us here on the putative left believes that government intervention will solve all problems? Instead, I'd guess that we'd tend to approach it from the other side -- that it's the lack of key government interventions that prevents some problems from even being addressed. Keeping the rules as they are protects those who are currently privileged from those who want to work at changing the country.

So, yes, let's talk about personal responsibility. But let's do it in the context of your excellent closing sentence: "Radical change in this country is going to take both a change in government and how we do business, as well as personal change."

But I don't expect Obama to talk about the responsibility to use birth control. It's not in sync with his outreach to evangelicals. Neither do I expect him to take on the beer and liquor companies. He wouldn't want to appear anti-business. Drugs, well sure, that can fit in with the "shape up, black people" theme. But if he attacked drugs and alcohol with references to our commercial culture's manipulation of people's vulnerabilities and to the commercial exploitation of many people's propensity to seek escape through chemistry of one sort or another, that could sound too anti-America, too much like Tipper Gore attacking rock music, or like you saying that "we are a weak willed and hedonistic people". (That's not a good campaign sound bite, Jim. And it begs several questions: in what sense are we "a people"? Can we be described by labels that apply en masse? To the extent that people are weak-willed and hedonistic, how did they get that way? Or were we/they always like that? Where do we look for the answers -- individual moral failings, psychology, sociological factors, cultural forces?)

But back to Obama: the easy way to show one's independence and post-racial or metro-racial credentials is to criticize young black men.

By happy (?) coincidence, right before I read your post, I did my weekly catch-up at the Black Agenda Report web site. A regular contributor, Adolf Reed, Jr., a political science professor at the U. of Pennsylvania and a long-time Obama skeptic, has some interesting things to say about "Where Obamaism Seems to be Going".

To give you an overview of his thinking, here is the series of highlighted quotes that constitute the subheadings of the article:

"It is ironic that Obama would be the one to complete Clinton's redefinition of liberalism as conservatism."

"Since when has it been unorthodox or unsafe politically to malign black poor people in public?"

"An Obama presidency (maybe even just his candidacy) will likely sever the last threads of any connection between notions of racial disparity and structurally reproduced inequality rooted in political economy."

"Obama represents a class politics, one that promises to cement an alliance anchored in the professional-managerial class and the ‘progressive' wing of the investor class."

"An Obama presidency would further legitimize the imperialist orientation of US foreign policy by inscribing it as liberalism or the "new kind" of progressivism."

"The courts issue looms so large because the liberals have given away everything else."

"Although I've been clear about my own decision to abstain from this charade, I'm not arguing that people shouldn't vote for Obama."

"Obama threatens to go beyond any of his Dem predecessors in redefining their all-too-familiar capitulation as the boundary of the politically thinkable."

"Many young people don't understand the difference between a political movement and a protest march, chat room or ad campaign."

"How can we hold them accountable once they're in office if we can't do it when they're running?"

That's a lot of stuff to think about, discuss, and argue about. Each quote can serve as the basis for a polemical essay, for or against.

I quite agree with Prof. Reed, right down the line. I'm willing to argue whatever points anyone takes exception to -- I need something to spur me to go through my bookmarks and drag out the facts and arguments that I've been too tired to marshal in defense and elaboration of my statement some months back that Obama is basically conservative rather than progressive. I'd like it if someone could convince me otherwise, so please try. I'm still educable.

Bill

wpeltz's picture

Bayard Rustin, Barack Obama, Jesse Jackson and "talking down"

Forty three years ago, Bayard Rustin's reasons for criticizing those who "harangue Negro youth" were very much like the reasons why many African-Americans today, not just Jesse Jackson, think that Obama, like Bill Cosby, is "talking down" to black people.

Just as, in Rustin's words then, "it is a double cruelty to harangue Negro youth about education and training when we do not know what jobs will be available for them", so is it cruel now to criticize absent fathers and poor parenting without also talking about absent jobs and the weakness of the economic base that makes stable family life possible.

Rustin's words apply to "ghetto life" today just as well as they did 43 years ago: "It goes without saying that any effort to combat demoralization and apathy is desirable, but we must understand that demoralization in the Negro community is largely a common-sense response to an objective reality."

Unfortunately, the illegal methods that he mentions as being an understandable way of adapting to the objective reality of limited opportunities, combined with the way the criminal justice system bears down on African-Americans, take far too many young men out of their communities and into the prison system. This undercuts the prospects for stable relationships and families.

Thus, the "talking down" accusation: talking about irresponsibility without talking about its social and economic context is an inadequate and incomplete message that can easily be taken as patronizing.

Here's the extended passage in "From Protest to Politics" from which I took the two sentences I quoted (thanks for the link, Angelo):

"To what extent can the kind of self-help campaign recently prescribed by Eric Hoffer in the New York Times Magazine cope with such a situation? I would advise those who think that self-help is the answer to familiarize themselves with the long history of such efforts in the Negro community, and to consider why so many foundered on the shoals of ghetto life. It goes without saying that any effort to combat demoralization and apathy is desirable, but we must understand that demoralization in the Negro community is largely a common-sense response to an objective reality.

"Negro youths have no need of statistics to perceive, fairly accurately, what their odds are in American society. Indeed, from the point of view of motivation, some of the healthiest Negro youngsters I know are juvenile delinquents. Vigorously pursuing the American dream of material acquisition and status, yet finding the conventional means of attaining it blocked off, they do not yield to defeatism but resort to illegal (and often ingenious) methods.

"They are not alien to American culture. They are, in Gunnar Myrdal's phrase, 'exaggerated Americans.' To want a Cadillac is not un-American; to push a cart in the garment center is. If Negroes are to be persuaded that the conventional path (school, work, etc.) is superior, we had better provide evidence which is now sorely lacking.

"It is a double cruelty to harangue Negro youth about education and training when we do not know what jobs will be available for them. When a Negro youth can reasonably foresee a future free of slums, when the prospect of gainful employment is realistic, we will see motivation and self-help in abundant enough qualities."

Angelo Lopez's picture

Self Help and Community Activism

I think both you and Jim have good points. I wasn't expecting this issue to arise from Rustin's post, but I'm glad Rustin's ideas still have resonance to the world of today.

I think self help is an important message. The point Rustin was making was that African American activists should group together with other liberal organizations to most effectively fight for progressive change. If these groups work together to make structural changes to grant equal economic and social opportunities to young African Americans trapped in poverty, it'll help reduce the number of people who need to hear a message of self help.

Rustin wrote:

"To what extent can the kind of self-help campaign recently prescribed by Eric Hoffer in the New York Times Magazine cope with such a situation? I would advise those who think that self-help is the answer to familiarize themselves with the long history of such efforts in the Negro community, and to consider why so many foundered on the shoals of ghetto life. It goes without saying that any effort to combat demoralization and apathy is desirable, but we must understand that demoralization in the Negro community is largely a common-sense response to an objective reality. Negro youths have no need of statistics to perceive, fairly accurately, what their odds are in American society. Indeed, from the point of view of motivation, some of the healthiest Negro youngsters I know are juvenile delinquents. Vigorously pursuing the American dream of material acquisition and status, yet finding the conventional means of attaining it blocked off, they do not yield to defeatism but resort to illegal (and often ingenious) methods. They are not alien to American culture. They are, in Gunnar Myrdal's phrase, "exaggerated Americans." To want a Cadillac is not un-American; to push a cart in the garment center is. If Negroes are to be persuaded that the conventional path (school, work, etc.) is superior, we had better provide evidence which is now sorely lacking. It is a double cruelty to harangue Negro youth about education and training when we do not know what jobs will be available for them. When a Negro youth can reasonably foresee a future free of slums, when the prospect of gainful employment is realistic, we will see motivation and self-help in abundant enough qualities.

Meanwhile, there is an ironic similarity between the self-help advocated by many liberals and the doctrines of the Black Muslims. Professional sociologists, psychiatrists, and social workers have expressed amazement at the Muslims' success in transforming prostitutes and dope addicts into respectable citizens. But every prostitute the Muslims convert to a model of Calvinist virtue the ghetto replaces with two more. The Muslims, dedicated as they are to maintenance of the ghetto, are powerless to affect substantial moral reform. So too with every other group or program which is not aimed at the destruction of slums, their causes and effects. Self-help efforts must be geared, directly or indirectly, to mobilizing people into power units capable of effecting social change. That is, their goal must be genuine self-help, not merely self-improvement. Obviously, where self-improvement activities succeed in imparting to their participants a feeling of some control over their environment, those involved may find their appetites for change whetted; they may move into the political arena.

Let me sum up what I have thus far been trying to say. The civil rights movement is evolving from a protest movement into a full-fledged social movement -an evolution calling its very name into question. It is now concerned not merely with removing the barriers to full opportunity but with achieving the fact of equality. From sit-ins and Freedom Rides we have gone into rent strikes, boycotts, community organization, and political action. As a consequence of this natural evolution, the Negro today finds himself stymied by obstacles of far greater magnitude than the legal barriers he was attacking before: automation, urban decay, de facto school segregation. These are problems which, while conditioned by Jim Crow, do not vanish upon its demise. They are more deeply rooted in our socioeconomic order; they are the result of the total society's failure to meet not only the Negro's needs but human needs generally."

wpeltz's picture

re: Self-help

Angelo, to some extent it's still the old Booker T. Washington/W.E.B. DuBois debate.

In the two paragraphs from Bayard Rustin that you added to what I quoted, it's clear to me that Rustin came down on the side of strategies for community action. His statement about the Black Muslims' "success in transforming prostitutes and dope addicts into respectable citizens" is especially striking. Despite their good work, he rejects them as a model: "But every prostitute the Muslims convert to a model of Calvinist virtue the ghetto replaces with two more. The Muslims, dedicated as they are to maintenance of the ghetto, are powerless to affect substantial moral reform."

While acknowledging the positive role that self-improvement can play in feeding back into the political process, Rustin insists that "self-help efforts must be geared, directly or indirectly, to mobilizing people into power units capable of effecting social change."

He makes an important distinction: "That is, their goal must be genuine self-help, not merely self-improvement." Obama, however, in his Father's Day speech, didn't talk about mobilizing people for power to effect structural change. Instead, he was chastising young men about self-improvement.

Rustin's last paragraph called for an evolution from civil rights protest to politics, "into a full-fledged social movement". But it didn't happen that way. That's one of the great sadnesses of my life, but one that we had an inkling of around 1970, as some of us community organizers in Mississippi tried to prepare ourselves for a long period of drought ahead. We didn't know how long it would turn out to be -- if we had, we might have just given up the ghost. And so the environment changed, the "carriers of social mutations" got sidetracked, isolated, co-opted, sometimes killed or imprisoned, or otherwise made irrelevant. Instead, our country moved into a new Gilded Age. The "movement" evolved into many small movements and small experiments, adapted for survival in a dry time, always asking each other "quo vadis?" And now? You tell me.

I think your own comments, Angelo, prioritize Rustin's hoped-for movement for social change, not self-help. Your statement that structural changes will "help to reduce the number of people who need to hear a message of self-help" strikes the right balance for me -- with the addition that structural changes will better enable people to do something effective to help themselves after they hear a message of self-help.

Bill

Angelo Lopez's picture

Washington, Du Bois and Barack Obama

Thank you Bill for the link on Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois. I took the time to read it and enjoyed the information. You're right that the "self help" versus "change the economic structures" debate is just a variation of the debate that Washington and DuBois had. The last paragraph of your link said:

"Both Washington and DuBois wanted the same thing for blacks—first-class citizenship—but their methods for obtaining it differed. Because of the interest in immediate goals contained in Washington’s economic approach, whites did not realize that he anticipated the complete acceptance and integration of Negroes into American life. He believed blacks, starting with so little, would have to begin at the bottom and work up gradually to achieve positions of power and responsibility before they could demand equal citizenship—even if it meant temporarily assuming a position of inferiority. DuBois understood Washington’s program, but believed that it was not the solution to the “race problem.” Blacks should study the liberal arts, and have the same rights as white citizens. Blacks, DuBois believed, should not have to sacrifice their constitutional rights in order to achieve a status that was already guaranteed."

I always ask myself, why does this debate have to be an either/or thing? Why couldn't both methods work that Washington and DuBois fought for work in conjunction? In the same way, perhaps Jackson and Obama are both right. Jackson wants Obama to emphasize the economic disparities that caused many of the African American poor to despair and lose individual initiative. Jackson is right and Bill's post gives good reasons as to why Jackson is right. And I think Jackson is having an influence on Obama. I couldn't find the text of Obama's responsibility speech, but I found some links. One link, http://www.dallasnews.com/sharedcontent/dws/news/politics/national/stori..., wrote:

"The man who could become the first black president urged Washington to provide more education and economic assistance. He called on corporate America to exercise greater social responsibility. But he also received his most lusty applause as he urged blacks to demand more of themselves."

Obama is always being compared to the Kennedys, but I think he is more like JFK than RFK. While Bobby challenges people and told them things they'd rather not hear, John tended to charm people and put them more at ease. I think Obama is similar to JFK in that sense. Obama is trying to be nonthreatening to conservative whites who may be uneasy with a candidate who would be more challenging, as Jackson was in his run in 1984 and 1988. Obama is doing what all good mainstream center left politicians should do: keep a foot in the political center, so he could act as a bridge between the mainstream and the progressives.

Bill says that Obama is more conservative than progressive, and I disagree with that. When you compare his positions with Dennis Kucinich, John Edwards, Cynthia McKinney, or Ralph Nader, then Bill is correct in saying that Obama is not as far left in his positions. He is not going to attack corporate power as vehemently or offer health care as comprehensive as single payer health care. But within the current political climate, Obama is very progressive. He is supportive of greater government involvement in tackling issues of poverty through transitional jobs programs for people in extreme poverty, strengthen the rights of workers to organize, strengthen public transportation in poor neighborhoods with more funds, increase the amount of capital that goes to minority owned businesses. His health care proposal offers to cover uninsured Americans through a National Health Insurance Exchange. He'll use a cap and trade system to fund research into renewable energy and set 2025 as a date to have 25% of our electricity be from clean, sustainable energy sources, like solar, wind and geothermal. He'll end racial profiling, he supports the Matther Shepherd Act, and provide job training, substance abuse and mental health counseling to ex-offenders, so that they are successfully re-integrated into society. On Iraq, Obama will have a phased withdrawal of one or two brigades a month until they're gone by the summer of 2010. I got this information from Obama's website.

Obama is offering reforms to the current system, not replacing the economic free market structure as many progressives wish. But I do think if the progressives agitate and create the right atmosphere for change, Obama is receptive enough to take advange of those opportunities. The Edwards campaign influenced Obama to take stronger stands on poverty and I think that shows that Obama is willing to move farther left if the opportunities present themselves. I think Obama's greatest benefit to progressives will be more his inspirational effect, how like JFK, he'll inspire the young to be more active and enthusiastic in the affairs of this country.

wpeltz's picture

Washington/DuBois/Obama - a few comments

Some quick comments, Angelo.

The transcript of Obama's Father's Day speech is at http://www.cnn.com/2008/POLITICS/06/27/obama.fathers.ay/

He said very little about government's responsibility or governmental action -- just one paragraph of sketchy references to programs like job training, larger Earned Income Tax Credit, visiting nurses for expectant and new mothers. All are good things, but superficial, not being set in a context of any kind of social, economic, and political analysis or larger framework for problem-solving.

I'm with you, Angelo, on "both/and" rather than "either/or" with regard to the Booker T. Washington/W.E.B. DuBois debate. (And in general, I'm inclined to see and prefer "both/and" wherever possible - I think most "either/or" divisions are artificial.) I think DuBois' position is at least implicitly "both/and". ( I'd have to do some research before I could claim more than that.) Washington, on the other hand, is more one-sided: he didn't include political organizing or broad movement building as part of his vision.

Angelo, you wrote: "Obama is doing what all good mainstream center left politicians should do: keep a foot in the political center, so he could act as a bridge between the mainstream and the progressives."

I think that's the conventional view from the center. The bridge tends not to be a two-way bridge: progressives are slighted because their votes are taken for granted. And the supposed "political center" is rather to the right of the actual center of public opinion. But the center-left seems to lack the political vocabulary for effectively framing issues in a way that neutralizes the right's destructive rhetoric. Thus the fear of going to or at least staying on the leftish side.

Finally, I don't expect electable politicians to take anything more than reformist positions within the current system. There's no political base for electing anyone on an anti-capitalist or post-capitalist platform for "replacing the economic free-market structure as many progressives wish". That's still a matter for discussion and experimentation.

I'll try to get something out soon on why I think Obama isn't really progressive. I share the hope that he will be responsive to agitation and pressure from progressives and the left. I tend to be skeptical, though -- I've seen this kind of thing before.

Voting Green -- for Cynthia McKinney and Rosa Clemente. (I worked a little with Rosa in Albany: she was a co-chair of the local Justice for Diallo Committee -- a case where 4 NYC police shot up an unarmed black man and their murder trial was moved to Albany. The cops were acquitted, Rosa was arrested in a mild street protest afterward, and I was doing something else that night.)

Bill

Angelo Lopez's picture

re:Washington/DuBois/Obama

I'll be interested in reading your arguments on Obama being more conservative than progressive. I agree that the political center is a bit more conservative than on the liberal side on economic and foreign issues; on social issues, the political center is fairly liberal (at least from the people I meet here in California).

I think you're right that the bridge between the center and the left tends to be one way and that progressive votes tend to be slighted. But not always. I think RFK and McCarthy in 1968 were able to argue out progressive ideas to the political center and be heard; the Jackson campaign of 1988 and in some respects, the Edwards and Kucinich campaigns of this year communicated progressive ideas to the mainstream. I think what the left is looking for in a liberal or center left candidate is what the conservatives had in Reagan: a good communicator who was able to articulate without apology conservative ideas to the mainstream and had a genial personality that hid the edges of those conservative ideas. Obama has the communication skills. The question I think that you and other progressives have is that in trying to appeal to the political center, is Obama giving short shrift to communicating progressive ideas? Time will tell.

I'll have to read more on Booker T. Washington and W.E.B. DuBois. Since my original post was on Bayard Rustin, was he well known to you and to other organizers in the 1970s? I wish McKinney and Clemente well in New York. I admire Rosa for protesting the Dialho case. Hopefully in the future, some justice will be seen.

Angelo

wpeltz's picture

Bayard Rustin's influence

As I remember, Rustin was well known enough but I don't think he was felt as a major direct influence on us in the 60s (and the 70s).

But one of my first FBI-recorded sins was to give money to CORE, the Congress of Racial Equality, back in the late 40s when I was beginning college. Rustin was one of the people involved in starting CORE, so I guess he had a strong indirect influence on me.

Later on, the stuff was in the air, everywhere, ever since Brown v. Board of Education in 1954, and the sit-ins by black college students, the Montgomery bus boycott, the Freedom Riders, and the many other things that followed. Malcolm X and MLK Jr. held center stage until their assassinations -- (I somewhat preferred Malcolm X, particularly in his late phase) -- and Rustin was a guy in the background, mostly because he was gay, had been sentenced in California to 60 days in jail for "sex perversion", and had been a member of the Young Communist League in his 20s, and thus was vulnerable to attack. And Strom Thurmond dutifully attacked him on those grounds. So some civil rights leaders made sure he stayed in the background.

By the time I got to Mississippi in 1966, Stokely Carmichael and the Black Power movement were a much greater influence. The organizers that I mentioned who were talking in 1970 about the dim prospects for the movement's immediate future were whites, working mostly in black-run organizations, who took seriously the Black Power call for whites to organize poor whites in the South. We set up a white organizers' group with an innocuous name taken from the local phone book's designation of its area of coverage, the Greater Jackson Area Committee or GJAC, got some grants, hired some organizers, and did some work of varying quality and effectiveness with Mississippi poor working whites. I was involved in that as a GJAC member and as the grant-writer, but my direct work at that time was still in some black communities.

I guess the biggest influences on me with regard to civil rights were Adolf Hitler and Joe Louis. Thanks mostly to Hitler, as a little child I became very aware that being Jewish must be one of the most important things in the world. Even though I had almost no knowledge of what being Jewish actually meant, I knew I could get hurt or even killed by people who liked Hitler. That included the KKK, whom I felt to be a vague and menacing lurking presence, with rumors among us kids that they had even been active around our neighborhood in Yonkers NY. And I learned, about the same time that blacks, or "Negroes", were subject to equally undesirable attention, both here at home and in the land of the Master Race. From the newsreels at the Saturday afternoon movie matinees that I started going to when I was 5, and from my father's conversations, I was dimly aware that Jesse Owens had been an affront to the Nazis during the 1936 Olympics and that his medals were a good thing for the Jews and for America, not just for the Negroes. The really big thing was the Joe Louis-Max Schmeling rematch in 1938. That was seen to be a test of Nazi racist ideology (although Schmeling wasn't actually a Nazi). So I have clear memories of feeling that Joe Louis successfully defended me and my family, as well as Democracy and the pride and power of black people. And since I had also developed some very warm bonds with some black adults who worked for my father at various times, I came to feel a deep connection between Jews and Blacks and Justice, well before my 10th birthday.

So Bayard Rustin, MLK Jr., Malcolm X, and the whole host of civil rights advocates and advocates had in me some well-prepared ground for sowing seeds of solidarity, dissent, resistance, and activism.

Bill

Angelo Lopez's picture

Thank you Bill for your influence

Thanks Bill for letting us know of the influences on your life. You've influenced me, since I started reading Crossleft, to read up on things that I didn't know beforehand. I admire the experiences you've gone through. When I have time I'll have to read up on Stokely Carmichael and the Black Panthers. And the Joe Louis-Max Schmeling rematch.

Angelo

Angelo Lopez's picture

re:re:Self Help

Thanks for the comments and for adding more depth to the insights of your previous posts. I don't think we have any disagreements on this. I think a combination of self help and structural changes in the economic system to give more opportunities to the poor is needed, which is what I think you are saying. I'm sad to read about your experiences in 1970 at community organizing, about how you all saw the receding of the progressive spirit. I'm curious though. Was Bayard Rustin an influence on you and some of your fellow community organizers?

I'll have to look at Obama's speech before I make any defense or explanation. But I do think, in the context of the current American political scene, that he is more progressive than conservative. I'll write in a future post.

Angelo